Asian Resistance in the Philippines and Latin America (1580-1700 and 1840-1900)

My writing and contributions to a collaborative project that curated a collection of primary sources on the above topic.


In 1522, Magellan completed the first circumnavigation of the world; by the 1560s, after Spain established a transpacific return path between the Philippines and Mexico, the Spanish could officially colonize the land of the Philippines that they had claimed in 1521.[1] The era of transpacific exploration was driven by curiosity but, more importantly, competition; it found sea routes to newly discovered lands that allowed for colonial empire building through territorial conquest, wealth accumulation, and labor exploitation. While increasing Spain’s global power and presence meant expanding the Empire’s lands and possessions, doing so necessitated the construction of a Spanish identity to unify its multinational empire—as exemplified in the import and imposition of Spanish perceptions of civilization and missionary efforts to and on its colonies. Yet, even though the colonial state aspired for a homogenous, collective identity, the Empire’s existence was defined by and in negation of its colonial subjects: the Other. Homi Bhabha frames the phenomenon of the colonial dialectic as mimicry, “the desire for a reformed, recognizable Other, as a subject of a difference that is almost the same, but not quite.”[2] However, it is exactly the attempt at creating a defined, singular, and synchronic unity from increasingly diverse and Othered subjects and cultures, in an Empire founded on multidirectional movements of people and ideas, that makes the Empire’s own colonial subjects and globalization the gravest threats to its mission of expansion and dominance.

Mimicry connotes distinction rather than complete harmonization: “continually [producing] its slippage, its excess, its difference” and “[fixing] the colonial subject as a “‘partial’ presence” instead of a truly naturalized member of the Spanish collective.[3] Yet, it is not just that the Empire inherently Others its colonial subjects and prevents them from full representation of the Empire, but also that the subjects themselves maintain their distinctions and resist homogenization. In fact, as much as the Empire exercised absolute power, it also recognized the necessity for compromise, or “[forms] of  precarious ‘transpacific convivencia’” (transpacific coexistence), and the inevitability of cultural syncretism.[4]

The Empire’s anxieties, compromises, and defeats testify to the ways in which subjects challenged authorities and applied pressure on the dialectic tensions between colonizer and colonized, between colonial ideals of uniformity, dominance, and stasis and the realities of heterogeneity, opposition, and fluidity. As Ryan Crewe writes, the increasingly cosmopolitan colonial subjects possessed the “adaptability and mobility [that] helped to build this transpacific cosmopolis but also seemed to undermine it.”[5] Thus, our mini anthology is a curation of primary sources that demonstrate forms of Asian resistance in colonial Philippines and Latin America—namely Cuba, Mexico, and Peru. We have selected the time periods of 1565-1672 and 1840-1900 as periods surrounding the peaks of forced Asian labor—slavery with the commencement of the Manila Galleon Trade in 1565 and indentured labor with the introduction of the coolie system in the 1840s—and,

therefore, also the economic-induced heights of transpacific Asian movement.

The history of Asians in colonial Philippines and Latin America has a wealth of cases of resistance, like chino slaves using the conjugal living and visitations granted by matrimony to ensure they were not separated or to have chances to petition for freedom, or Chinese mambís like José Bu Tak during the Cuban War of Independence.[6] Through placing resistance within the context of the aforementioned dialectic, we emphasize resistance as overt and covert acts of subversion that are in response to the conditions under and conception of a dominant system. Those who the system oppresses resist, in order to reclaim or create (physical or figurative) alternative spaces that contest and change the system’s intended landscape; they produce and actualize what is not meant to be possible within a given dominant system. Although the dominant conception of resistance is of overt rebellion, covert forms are equally important and “[attend] to the local specificities that shape the overriding concerns of the oppressed.”[7] For example, Pablo Gómez writes about Black Caribbean ritual practitioners who responded to local diversification and cultural uprootings by adapting and producing new knowledge, such as medicina mestiza (mixed-race medicine), “that reasserted the power of the human experience to make truthful claims about nature.”[8] Although covert, their revolt through knowledge production contested with Eurocentric sciences and reasoning and claimed “power over moral, social, and political realms;” Black Caribbean ritual practitioners extended beyond even mimicry and emerged as revolutionary.[9] Similarly, Filipino indios in Mexico resisted the treatment they suffered by abandoning the Galleons and sharing knowledge about Filipino tuba wine, or coconut wine, production with local Mexicans. According to Guevara, “the competition with Castilian wine was so great that Spain was willing to deport Filipino indios who made their wine back to the Philippines,” demonstrating how much this example of creating their own income and market and interracial solidarity damaged the colonial state.[10] Covert forms of resistance also acknowledge the daily choices and actions of oppressed peoples in a more nondiscriminatory way, rather than privileging exceptional examples and people that were more visible and legible to the state. Our collection includes examples of both overt—revolts in 1597 Philippines (Source B) and the commandeering of a ship transporting coolies to Latin America (Source K)—and covert—making or chipping coins (Source C) and establishing confraternities (Source E)—resistance. By presenting Asians as rebels or political participants in general, we counter stereotypes of Asians as apolitical, submissive, or, eventually, the model minority; the depictions of interethnic or interracial communities and solidarity show that communities other than insular ones existed too. By focusing on resistance, we aim to offer a history of Asian presence in Latin America that centers Asians as agents instead of victims, or even objects, and foregrounds the alternative modes of life and survival imagined and practiced by Asians, rather than the dominant narratives written by the colonial imaginary.


Source B: “Letters from Francisco Tello to Felipe II”[11] (April 29, 1597) (Excerpted)

The new governor, Francisco Tello, writes to Felipe II about the conditions and occurrences in the Philippines in his April 29, 1597 letter. Tello reports of physical uprisings in Mindanao—recently conquered to defend against Moro pirates—and by the indigenous Zambales. He also perceives the growing presence of Sangleys, both in general and within the government, as a threat and expels them. While the burning of the Parian was accidentaland it is reconstructedthe event foreshadows Tello’s later letter on July 12, 1599, requesting that the Parian be taken from the Sangleys, since it “is most injurious for this commonwealth, because the people who live in it are of no use except to raise prices in the community, all the provisions being consumed there; and they commit offenses against God our Lord.”[12] The letter reveals the sources—from the indigenous and the Chinese Sangleys, to even Japanese pirates outside the Empire—and types of resistance—overt rebellious uprisings and piracy and covert undermining of political and economic power—that the Spanish were facing simultaneously and the methods they used to quell each example; the sheer variety of resistance in a single report suggests that the Spanish Empire in the Philippines was met with plenty of tumult. 

I was afterward told that the people of Terrenate were coming to these your Majesty’s islands to inflict injuries upon your subjects and vassals, and that the natives of Mindanao were helping them in this. The conquest of Mindanao being in charge of the heirs of the late Esteban Rrodriguez de Figueroa, who was killed there, I insisted on their continuing that pacification, giving them men at your cost…

When I came to the government I found that the Sangleys had been given a free hand, and jurisdiction in the administration and cabildo. Considering the troubles that might result, and the large numbers of Sangleys here (somewhat over ten thousand), I took away and withdrew their power in the administration—leaving, however, a governor among them, as was formerly the custom. I have expelled from this land a large number of the Sangleys who were here, and I shall soon order many others to go, leaving only three or four thousand men, who are necessary for the service of the land.

About two months ago the Parian of the Sangleys was burned, together with a large amount of property. I assisted that night in taking care of the property of a few, which was saved. The fire did not touch this city, although the Parian is contiguous to it. All this was well done, and I permitted them to rebuild their Parian, but one hundred paces farther from the city than it was before.

We are having a good deal of trouble from the license taken by some religious in this land. They have a practice of excommunicating the governor by virtue of the apostolic briefs in their possession. Having no authority here to annul their unlawful acts, we can have no liberty to carry on your Majesty’s service as it should be done. Therefore I humbly beg your Majesty to consider and order what is most necessary for your Majesty’s service.

Many events have taken place in these days. One of them was the rising of the Zambales natives, and the murder of two alcaldes-mayor—one a short time before I came, and the other after my arrival. Therefore I appointed Captain Julian de Cuenca alcalde-mayor of Panpanga, to go to punish them—which is a difficult matter, because these Zambales are in hiding in rugged mountain ranges. However, he wrote me that he had beheaded twenty of them, and that he continues to hunt them down; so that after such a punishment they will be sufficiently frightened for him to make the effort to induce them to leave the sierra for a settlement where they may be instructed…

Don Luys Dasmariñas, when he was governor here, appointed Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato sargento-mayor of the force to go to the assistance of the king of Canboja, who they said was besieged by his enemy the king of Çian. When they arrived there they met a rough reception from a part of the people of Canboja, and from some Sangleys who are settled there and engage in trade. The Spanish came to blows with some of these Sangleys and killed some of them. There was lost, according to their story, a large amount of property belonging to the Sangleys, which they had placed aboard sampans at the time of the fight…April twenty-nine, 1597.


Source C: “Ordinances and Laws for the Sangleys”[13] (January 26, 1599)

Written during increasing Spanish concern about the local treasury in the Philippines,  the “Ordinances enacted by the Audiencia of Manila” in 1598-99 is a series of rulespertaining to a range of subjects, from trade restrictions, to tributes, to court casesissued to govern the local economy and prevent the exhaustion and devaluing of funds.[14] The following source “Ordinances and Laws for the Sangleys” (1599) specifically targets and establishes punishments for Chinese Sangleys who make or clip coins and purchase stolen goods from natives and slaves. Its emphasis on the sinful influence Sangleys have on natives also reflects the contemporaneous reinvigoration of the civilizing and Christianizing mission towards native populations. The text reveals colonial anxieties about the Chinese Sangley population as resistant to assimilation to the colonial state, corruptive for other subjects/native populations, and actively undermining the colonial economyimportantly, through trade interactions that could cultivate interracial relationhips and solidarity. Moreover, the excerpt suggests that previous attempts to instill such regulations have been ignored by the Sangleys, emphasizing their defiance against and damage to the colonial state.

We, the president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancillería of these Philipinas Islands. Whereas it has been learned by experience in this city that the Sangleys residing in the islands and their neighborhood have had and maintain among them a custom of practicing, and they do practice an abominable sin against nature, not only with the Chinese, but with the Moro and Indian boys of these islands, by which God, our Lord, is greatly disserved; and, whereas, the said Chinese have had and have the habit and custom of bringing from China, or making in this city, money of base metal, and they pare and clip the royal money, to the great fraud and injury of the royal exchequer; and although they have seen that some are punished for this, they have not taken warning; and whereas, the said Sangleys, who are infidels, ally themselves with the Christian Indian women, and have lawless carnal intercourse with them; and whereas, besides the aforesaid crimes, the said Sangleys are wont to buy from slaves and Indians golden jewels, trinkets, clothes, and other articles which are stolen: therefore, to supply a remedy for all that, and in order that such crimes and disorders shall cease, now and henceforth, we command the following orders to be observed in everything.

Laws.—First, we ordain and command that none of the said Chinese Sangleys, or any other persons whatsoever, shall commit or practice the said abominable sin against nature, or try to commit it. Whoever shall do so shall incur the penalty of being burned alive by fire, beside having all his goods confiscated to the treasury of his Majesty.

Item: We ordain and command that none of the said Sangleys shall dare to make or coin any sort of silver or gold money, or of any other metal, nor shall they clip or scrape money already made, or make use of it, under the penalties contained in the above ordinance.

Item: We ordain and command that none of the aforesaid shall cohabit or have carnal intercourse with any [Spanish?] woman or Christian Indian woman, under the penalty that, in such case, he shall incur a punishment of two hundred lashes and ten years in the galleys, as criminals sentenced to row, without pay, and of the confiscation of one-half his property, to be applied as above stated.

Further, we ordain and command, that none of the said Sangleys, for any reason or consideration, shall buy from negro slaves or freemen, Indians or mulattoes, any gold jewels, trinkets, garments, or any other articles which they sell; but when the said Sangleys go to them, they shall arrest them and take them before the magistrate, under penalty that whoever shall disobey this decree shall fall under and incur the penalties incurred by robbers, and said penalties will be rigorously executed on their persons and goods.

And in order that the aforesaid shall be observed and executed without remission of penalty, and so that no one may pretend ignorance, we order that these ordinances shall be publicly proclaimed in the public square, in all other public places of this city, in the Sangley Parian, and in the village of Tondo, in order that everyone may know of them; and in each one of the said places a copy of them, written in the Chinese language, shall be posted. No person shall dare to remove the said placards, under penalty of two hundred lashes. We order all the alcaldes-mayor of the environs of this city to have them published and made known to the natives. We request and charge all the religious to give instructions to the said Indians, and cause them to understand these laws and ordinances, and the penalties attached thereto. Given in the city of Manila, on the twenty-sixth of January, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine.


Source D: Excerpt from “Leonor Alvarez versus Tomas de Aquino, Chinese, her Executor”[15] (October 18, 1644)

On October 18, 1644, Leanor Alvarez, “Peruvian daughter of gentile parents from Oriental India” and widow to her former Chinese husband Hernando Gutierrez, wrote the final version of her will. In it, she frees her four Black, Chinese, and Filipino slaves and names one of them, Isabel China, her universal heir. Alvarez’s will is thorough and well-thought-out in order to guarantee that her slaves are liberated. She clearly states that Isabel’s daughter is also to be freed and belongs only to her mother, reserves and allots funds and property for other posthumous costs in order to “guarantee that these people were freed rather than sold to meet expenses,” and emphasizes the authority Isabel is given to use her best judgement for any matters and to use her inheritance as she wishes; she also left four additional “freedom letters.”[16] The will reflects the diversity of people living in Peru at the time, and more importantly, is an example of Asians with higher status and more established presence liberating other Asian and Black folks.

Testament of Leonor Alvarez, widow of Hernando Gutierrez of the Chinese nation and resident as I am of this city of the Kings, Peruvian daughter of gentile parents from Oriental India being sick in bed of the illness that God Our Lord was served to give me and in my right mind and full understanding and believing as I firmly and truly believe in the mystery of the very Holy Trinity of Father, Son and Holy Spirit, three separate persons and not just the true God…

–  I declare that I gave freedom to Marcos of the Chinese nation, son of Isabel China from when he was born until after my days as it appears in the document that I made before this scribe here present. Given that the boy turned out somewhat naughty, I ask and charge my executers to urge, contain, and hold him down so that he attends and works and helps himself because my intention was to give him freedom with this nature so that he did not end up in jail or punished by the justice. Thus, I ask for the love of God that they comply with what is contained in this clause.

–  I declare that I purchased Isabel China, born in the city of Canton. She was sold to me by Juan Domingues Vizcayno. She has a daughter named Grace de la Ascension, born in this city, who is nine years old. Even though both were my slaves, I have raised them and had them as my companions. Therefore, after my days I give them freedom so that Isabel spends from my goods and property the quantity of 200 pesos of eight on my burial, masses and candles [paper is broken] and other expenses and costs [paper is broken] of which all should come from the said 200 pesos giving her permission to sell from my possessions those which she believes sufficient for it and to pay for my burial and mass and costs and if there is extra to do something good for my soul and in this form I leave her free.

–  I declare that the goods that I have are furniture and household goods. All of it I leave and give to Isabel China because of the love and goodwill I have for her and for the purposes referred to, and that Grace is subject to Isabel her mother because with this will I set her free after my days.

–  To carry out and pay this my testament and the orders and bequests that it contains I leave and name as my executors and holders of my property Isabel China and to Tomas de Aquino, born in Manila, resident in this city [Lima], to whom and to each of whom, jointly or separately, I give my authority to do what is required and necessary so that after I die they take my goods and sell them in a public auction or outside of the auction extrajudicially or how so ever they like or appears best to them up to the quantity of 200 pesos. And from that price and value they comply with and pay my testament. Whatever else is necessary relating to the executorship they can judge and authorize everything that might be needed, and for all of that I give them the power required for free and general administration, and they can use the executorship for a year for that is my ultimate and final will.

–  Complied with and paid this my testament and the donations and bequests contained in it know that, although I was married to Hernando Gutierrez, I had no children whatsoever. I have other heirs, and by right I name as my universal heir in the sale of everything Isabel China so that she has and inherits with the blessing of God and mine and with the charge to pay what is contained in this my testament and the rest of the good that she wants to do for my soul and is her will not because they ask it of her but because she can and wishes to do it. This is my last and final will.


Source E: Excerpts from Gemelli Careri’s Giro del mondo (Voyage Around the World) (1697)

The culmination of his world voyage that began in 1693, Gemelli Careri’s Giro del mondo is a travel narrative consisting of six volumes on his trips to Turkey, Persia, Hindustan, China, Philippine, and New Spain. In his section on Mexico, Careri witnesses a procession (April 4th, 1697) that includes the brothers of St. Francis or “the Chineses.” Recently founded in 1692, the brothers of St. Francis became established enough to be granted approval to construct a small chapel to the Virgin Mary that was decorated with ivory statuary imported from Manila”––an example of both acculturation and syncretism.[17] Careri’s description of the brothers as “Indians of the Philippines” and the alternative name “the Chineses” indicates the formal recognition of Filipinos as natives of a Spanish colony, the shift in terminology from “chinos” to “indos,” and possibly even the transition to a more general use of “chinos” for Asians; in fact, the ability to organize and establish Asian confraternities or religious brotherhoods signified acknowledgement and treatment of Asian populations as Indians rather than as chino slaves. Although the details of the brothers of St. Francis and how they supported each other are not depicted, confraternities in general were a method of survival for marginalized populations––allowing for community building away from home, (economic) connections between peoples, leadership roles, and even buying people’s freedom; the brotherhoods were mutual support networks and spaces that existed outside of the Spanish colonial state.[18] The second excerpt from Careri’s volume also suggests opportunities for interracial community and solidarity within the brotherhoods, such as the Confraternity of St. Domenico which consisted of both Black and Indian members.

On Holy Thursday, the 4th of April, three processions went out one after another; the first, of the brothers of the Trinity clad in red; the second, of brothers of the church of St. Gregory of the Jesuits; and the third of brothers of St. Francis, called the procession of the Chineses, because made by Indians of the Philippine islands: Each of ‘em carried its images, with abundance of lights, and a company of armed men, after the manner as was mentioned before, besides some that went a horseback, with trumpet sounding dismally before ‘em. The procession being come to the palace, the Chineses and brothers of the Trinity strove for precedence, and there pass’d some blows with painted clubs they carried instead of torches and the crosses, so that several persons were hurt.[19]

Dopo desinare comparve la processione de’Neri, ed Indiani, fratelli della Confraternità di S.Domenico; con più persone, che si disciplinavano, e faceano altre penitenze. Vi erano divote figure, una compagnia di uomini armati, e’l monumento di Nostra Signora.[20]

After dinner, the procession of Blacks and Indians, brothers of the Confraternity of San Domenico, appeared; with more people, who disciplined themselves, and did other penances. There were devout figures, a company of armed men, and the monument of Our Lady.


Source I:  The Royal Gazette [21] (February 16, 1869)

During the Ten Years’ War for Cuban independence, insurgents also confronted the spread of cholera outbreaks throughout Cuba (and globally). The news article from the February 16th, 1869 issue of The Royal Gazette reports outbreaks in Cuba in Cienfuegos and Sancti Spiritu and predicts that they will also appear in Havana. It also states that insurgent leaders refused to receive medical treatment in exchange for surrendering. Asians had a role in resistance relating to the outbreaks as demonstrated when “the rebel army drew upon the knowledge of Chinese herbal healers, and in 1871, they were able to contain an outbreak of cholera and smallpox on several sugar estates in Sagua la Grande.”[22]

CUBA. The insurgents have possession of the town Enunciyado, on the railroad between Villa Clara and Cienfuegos, and a body of them have appeared in the neighborhood of Sagua la Grande. Quesada, at the head of seven regiments, is threatening Villa Clarr. Outbreaks are reported at Cienfuegos, Sancti Spiritu and Trinidad, and are momentarily expected in the immediate neighborhood of Havana. The insurgent chiefs refuse to treat for surrender. Aranjo is now reported to have been murdered by Spanish troops in breach of truce. The government organs in Havana favor a war of extermination and enforcement of loans if necessary. Two companies of regulars had left Matanzas for Managua. Recruiting for the volunteer service continues briskly. Arrests are still made in Havana and the police continue to search houses.


Source J: Petition 25[23] (1870s)

During the coolie period, international commissions traveled to investigate conditions and received letters and petitions from coolies during their stay. Petition 25 acknowledges foreign officials who had examined the circumstances in Cuba and addresses the Chinese emperor. A collaboration between ninety-six petitioners, it exemplifies common tactics coolies used. Primarily a witness petition, it describes the harsh conditions and violence and details a specific event in 1871 that exposes the deceptive contracts and paper chase system. It also has elements of verse petitions, in its figurative language and Chinese mythological allusions, to stress the cruelty of the officials and godfathers. The petitioners also appeal to the Chinese emperor and commission by humbling themselves, glorifying the emperor and the freedom he could grant them through metaphors and similes, and establishing their roots and connections to the homeland and their desire to return.

We, as ordinary civilians, have little learning and we were born in ill times…The reasons why we are here are filled with misery. Nevertheless, we have fallen into this trap, how can we get away from it? We only hope that we can go back to our hometowns after the contract expires. We did not expect to work in a foreign country, and we are treated worse than prisoners…It is hard to have a day without being lashed; it is hard to have a morning to take a rest. Although the contract period on paper is eight years, they never follow the contract…When the contract expires, almost half of us have died. For those who have not died, a lot of them either become disabled or have internal injury. If you are still healthy, you will be bullied by the rich or the government officials; or will be forced to sign another contract; or will be forced to work in the official workshop; or will be put into prison. They find ways to tie us up and make us slaves forever…Moreover, this country has set up a cruel policy, stating that Chinese who have contracts here have to convert to Catholic and find a Cuban as “godfather” after the contract expires, if they want to get a freedom paper. If no freedom paper, the Chinese would be counted as an escaped convict…If we Chinese ask them to do something, we have to speak to them nicely and give them a lot of money, give them treasures and gold, respect them as godfather, and beg them to apply for a freedom paper for us…there are hundreds of thousands of Chinese laborers here, whose contracts have expired; but only several thousands of them get the freedom paper…Cuban government officials are like greedy qiongqi and taotie at heart…On the tenth of the ninth moon in the year of Xin Wei (1871), local rich people started a riot and put Chinese in a bad situation. The corrupted officials manipulated power for personal ends and tortured the Chinese. All of a sudden, they assembled their army, and sacked the Chinese thoroughly. They took away freedom papers by force and locked up the Chinese, using thousands of cruel corporal punishments. They forced the Chinese into bondage and into signing another contract. Countless Chinese died in this incident…Fortunately we unexpectedly were rescued from this desperate situation by heroes from other countries. Some officials from other countries knew we were treated unjustly and came to rescue us…Finally, the iron lock was open; the birdcage was broken…We were like frightened birds flying back to our nests, grasping belongings in our home as if precious as jade…Now, His majesty’s kindness is like a wide ocean, extending to corners of the world. We are like grass and trees that benefit from his rain-like generosity, which is a rare grace in thousands of years. We, as ordinary civilians, are humble and foolish laborers with misfortune. Youths are trapped in a land faraway from home; adults are wasting their lives in a foreign country. We regret that we are poor and sickly. We feel woeful that the harsh government here is making more cruel policies. That is why we dare to voice our grievance to you. As quoted.


[1] Edward Collins and Ricardo Padrón, “America, the Pacific, and Asia in the Imperial Imagination,” July 18, 2016, Podcast, 1:30:40, History Hub, http://historyhub.ie/ricardo-padron-america-the-pacific-and-asia-in-the-imperial-imagination-1513-1609.

[2] Homi Bhabha, “Of Mimicry and Man: The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse,” October 28 (1984): 126, https://doi.org/10.2307/778467.

[3] Ibid., 126, 127.

[4] Miguel Martínez, “5. Manila’s Sangleys and a Chinese Wedding (1625)” in The Spanish Pacific, 1521-1815: A Reader of Primary Sources, edited by Christina H. Lee and Ricardo Padrón (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020), 76.

[5] Ryan Crewe, “Transpacific Mestizo: Religion and Caste in the Worlds of a Moluccan Prisoner of the Mexican

Inquisition” in Itinerario 39, no. 3 (2015), 463.

[6] Tatiana Seijas, “The Church on Chino Slaves versus Indian Chinos,” in Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico: From Chinos to Indians (Cambridge University Press, 2014), 184-185.

[7] Lisa Yun, “The Depositions” in The Coolie Speaks: Chinese Indentured Laborers and African Slaves in Cuba, (Temple University Press, 2008), 145, accessed December 5, 2020, http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt14bs7bs.8.

[8] Pablo F. Gómez, “Introduction” in The Experiential Caribbean: Creating Knowledge and Healing in the Early Modern Atlantic, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 7; 4, accessed December 65, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5149/9781469630885_gmezzuluaga.5.

[9] Ibid, 13.

[10] Rudy P. Guevarra Jr., “Filipinos in Nueva España: Filipino-Mexican Relations, Mestizaje, and Identity in Colonial and Contemporary Mexico,” Journal of Asian American Studies 14, no. 3 (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), 395. doi:10.1353/jaas.2011.0029.

[11] Francisco Tello, “Letters from Francisco Tello to Felipe II,” in The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, vol. 10, 1597-1499, ed. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903), 41-52, accessed December 4th 2020, http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14266/14266-h/14266-h.htm#d0e430.

[12] Francisco Tello, “Letter from Governor Don Francisco Tello,” in The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, vol. 10, 1597-1499, ed. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903), 244, accessed December 6th 2020, http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14266/14266-h/14266-h.htm#d0e430.

[13] Francisco Tello, et. al, “Ordinances enacted by the Audiencia of Manila (concluded),” in The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, vol. 11, 1599-1602, ed. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903), 21-81, accessed December 4th 2020, http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/14685/pg14685-images.html.

[14]“Ordinances enacted by the Audiencia of Manila (concluded),” in The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, vol. 11, 1599-1602, ed. Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903), 9-20, accessed December 4th 2020, http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/14685/pg14685-images.html.

[15] “Leonor Alvarez versus Tomas de Aquino, Chinese, her Executor,” in The Spanish Pacific, 1521-1815: A Reader of Primary Sources, ed. Christina H. Lee and Ricardo Padrón (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020), 135-137.

[16] Leo J. Garofalo, “The Will of an Indian Oriental and her Chinos in Peru (1644),” in The Spanish Pacific, 1521-1815: A Reader of Primary Sources, ed. Christina H. Lee and Ricardo Padrón (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020), 133-134.

[17] Edward R. Slack Jr., “Orientalizing New Spain: Perspectives on Asian Influence in Colonial Mexico,” México y la Cuenca del Pacífico, no. 43 (Guadalajara: Universidad de Guadalajara, 2012), 105, https://doi.org/10.32870/mycp.v15i43.380.

[18] Seijas, “The Church on Chino Slaves versus Indian Chinos,” 207-208.

[19] John Francis Gemelli Careri, A Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. 4, Containing the most remarkable things he saw in New Spain, trans. Awnsham Churchill (London, 1745), 495.

[20] John Francis Gemelli Careri, Giro del mondo, vol. 6, Contente le cose più ragguardevoli vedute nella Nuova Spagna (Napoli: Stamperia di Giuseppe Roselli, 1700), 100.

[21] “Cuba,” The Royal Gazette. Bermuda Commercial and General Advertiser and Recorder 42, no. 7 (1869): 2, accessed December 7, 2020, https://infoweb-newsbank-com.ezproxy.lib.davidson.edu/apps/readex/doc?p=EANACN&docref=image/v2%3A145EB409234A954C%40EANACN-14999F9EC298A858%402403745-14994F87F50643B8%401-14994F87F50643B8%40.

[22] Kathleen López, “Freedom Fighters” in Chinese Cubans : a Transnational History (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2013), 123.

[23] Lisa Yun, “Addendum: Selected Petitions” in The Coolie Speaks: Chinese Indentured Laborers and African Slaves in Cuba (Temple University Press, 2008), 252-255, accessed December 3, 2020, http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt14bs7bs.11.